Case Study: Assumptions about
‘Blackness’ in the Sport of Ice Hockey
“It was important to see black
players in the NHL to see it was possible and keep my dream alive.”
-
Jerome Iginla, captain of the
Calgary Flames
Case studies
about individual athletes involving the likes of Muhammad Ali in boxing,
Michael Jordan in basketball and Tiger Woods in golf have certainly been
discussed in the field of media studies, therefore in this essay I have chosen
to concentrate on a particular sport that perhaps does not appear in the wider
academic discussions about ‘race’ in sports: African-American ice hockey
players in the National Hockey League (NHL). Having lived in Britain for the
past three years where sport culture is dominated mainly by football and rugby,
I have observed that ice hockey is left unnoticed almost entirely. It is also
clear to acknowledge that ice hockey as a worldwide sport is quite marginal,
but in countries such as Canada, Finland, Sweden and Russia – just to name a
few – the sport is a major part of each country’s national identity. However,
before moving into my case study certain terms must be clarified in order for a
better understanding of my arguments to be achieved. Highly ambiguous terms
such as ‘race’ and ‘blackness’ will be the focus of the first half of this
paper prior to my discussions about the power of the Western media itself. A substantial
amount of research has been done about ‘race’ in media discourse, therefore my
work will reference some of the key arguments provided by scholars such as
David Mason, John Solomos and Les Back. The purpose of this paper is to argue
that along with the colour of a person’s skin come certain assumptions and
stereotypes that though false, are often perceived as truths.
Firstly, it is
important to note that amongst human beings there are no such things as ‘races’.
‘Race’ is merely an ideological construct invented at a time when the dominance
of white Europeans aimed to justify the cruelties against native peoples around
the world for the sake of capital. Solomos and Back note that,
It is certainly from the eighteenth century that we
can trace the emergence in Europe of writings about race and what we now call
racism. The idea that races existed involved the affirmation in popular,
scientific and political discourses that humanity could be divided into
distinct groupings whose member possessed common physical characteristics”
(1996: 32).
Furthermore James Donald and Ali Rattansi argue that “no persuasive empirical case
has been made for ascribing common psychological, intellectual or moral
capacities or characteristics to individuals on the basis of skin colour or
physiognomy” (1992: 1). However, despite no clear data has ever proven for
there to be biological differences between varied ethnicities, through the
existence of racism different connotations of colour have brought along certain
stereotypes through representation. In David Mason’s Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain, Mason observes the writings
of American historian Winthrop Jordan who explains that the first encounters
that the British had with West Africans came with peaceful results, but
developed popular emotional and negative connotations of colour through the
Victorian English language (Jordan 1974 in Mason 2000: 5-6). He writes, “while ‘white’
represented good, purity, and virginity, ‘black’ was the colour of death, evil, debasement (ibid.). While it is fair
to say that modern day society has certainly progressed in terms of equality,
the unfortunate truth is that still today, despite a lack of scientific
evidence, many stereotypes regarding the ‘natural’ (fixed) superiority and
inferiority based on biology still exist. Arguments surrounding blacks as
physiologically more superior also assert claims in accordance to the “Law of
Compensation”, whereas whites therefore must be intellectually superior. Plec
argues that, “one particularly
problematic variation on the theme of Black athletic superiority relies upon a
racist logic of inversion in which mental and physical acuity are juxtaposed” (12).
The
second thing to call into question when discussing the issue of ‘race’ is the
role that the Western media plays in representation. It is important to stress ‘Western’
when talking about the mainstream media because it is precisely through this
geopolitical concept that representation is controlled. Stuart Hall argues that
through power differentials come what he describes as a ‘regime of
representation’ (1997: 259). “Power, it seems, has to be understood here, not
only in terms of economic exploitation and physical coercion, but also in
broader cultural or symbolic terms, including the power to represent someone or
something in a certain way” (ibid.) ‘West’ therefore functions as the norm and
aims to separate itself from the ‘East’, the ‘Orient’ and the ‘Other’. Edward Said
argues that contrasting ‘West’ from ‘East’ allows for the existence of difference.
In Orientalism he writes,
The Orient is not
only adjacent to Europe; it is also the place of Europe’s greatest and richest
and oldest colonies, the source of its civilizations and languages, its
cultural contestant, and one of its deepest and most recurring images of the
Other. In addition, the Orient has helped to define Europe (or the West) as its
contrasting image, idea, personality, experience. 1
Hall in addition argues that representational
practices often involve stereotyping, which “reduces people to a few, simple,
essential characteristics, which are represented as fixed by Nature” (1997:
257). In sport for instance, stereotypes often involve categorizing athletes
according to skin colour; blacks are faster runners, whites are better
swimmers, et cetera. As stereotypes have been in many cases perceived as
truths, ‘‘race’ science’ in sports on many occasions has strived to prove
biological differences between white and black athletes. An example of this can
be found from the writings of Martin Kane in the January 1971 Sports Illustrated issue entitled “An Assessment of Black is
Best”. Kane went on to argue the following:
Researchers
have found that the black American, on the average, tends to have a shorter
trunk, a more slender pelvis, longer arms (especially forearms) and longer legs
(especially from the knees down) than his white counterpart. He has more muscle
in the upper arms and legs, less in the calves. There is reason to believe that
his fat distribution is patterned differently from that of the white man—leaner
extremities but not much difference in the trunk. And there is a trifle of
evidence—this aspect has been studied so little that it still is in the
highly speculative state—that the black man’s adrenal glands, a vital
factor in many sports, are larger than the white man’s. (Kane 1971: 74 in Plec:
11).
However, many
have been quick to dismiss such claims including sociologist Harry Edwards of
Berkeley University, California who states that “there has never been a single
study linking a genetic trait, racial or otherwise, with athletic performance” (Entine
2000: x). Moreover, sociologist Ellis Cashmore argues that after the discovery
of the DNA double helix in 1953 by Francis Crick and James Watson, further
research has indicated that “in terms of genetic profile, we humans have been
found to be astonishingly similar: every human being on the
planet was 99.9 percent the same” (Cashmore 2010: 30).
While the
evidence above clearly evades from arguments supporting biological superiority of
blacks, other considerations therefore have to be taken into account of why for
instance there are more black players in the NBA and far the fewer in the NHL. A
logical explanation that must be considered is the role of geographic,
environmental and economic factors. While The United States has become more
ethnically diverse and through diversity more tolerant, as of 2010 out of the
13.6 percent of blacks which make up America’s population, 27.4 percent were
living under poverty (NPC). Out of black children under the age of 18, 38.2
percent were living under poverty. As ice hockey is an expensive sport due to
the variety of equipment (not to mention the limited facilities); based on
simple mathematics, the opportunities to excel in such a sport for a minority
may seem quite unlikely. Robert Pankin explains, “the socioenvironmental side
of the argument indicates that the alleged reason that large numbers of blacks
play, and, subsequently, are successful in boxing, football, and the like is
the availability of certain athletic facilities as they are growing up” (1982: 108).
Furthermore Pankin notes that,
The majority of
black and impoverished children, therefore, will participate in sporting events
in which the initial and continued outlay of funds are comparable with their
socioeconomic status. Tennis courts, swimming pools, and downhill slopes,
hockey arenas, fencing strips, golf courses, and bowling alleys and their
related equipment appear to be out of the ecological reach of the mass of black
children (ibid.).
Geographic
factors can also be reasoned. Looking at a global scale, Kenyans are amongst
the most successful long-distance runners in the world, if not the most successful. High altitude
training camps for runners located in the Rift Valley allow for the development
of a better lung capacity, thus increasing a runner’s stamina. The ideal
geographic location along with the inexpensiveness of the sport can surely be
justified to the successes of Kenyans.
The
previous factors can often be precursors for another notable reason: the lack
of role models from similar backgrounds. The NHL was formed in 1916, but only
in 1958 was the ‘all-white’ trend broken when Willie O’Ree joined the Boston
Bruins to become the first ever black hockey player in the NHL. For over forty
years the lack in black players was explained through simplistic assertions of
biological racism, claiming that blacks “had weak ankles and weak knees”
(Douglas 2011), as explained by O’Ree himself. But once O’Ree broke the
stereotypes, slowly did more blacks begin to appear towards the end of the
century. Mike Marson was the next African-American to be drafted in 1974 and by
1991 already 18 black players had appeared, including Hockey Hall of Fame
goaltender Grant Fuhr, who played for the famous Edmonton Oilers franchise of
the ‘80s along with Wayne Gretzky, winning the Stanley Cup five times. Former
NHL goaltender Kevin Weekes explains that “the more people see people that look like them on the ice, the more likely
they are to want to play the game” (Douglas 2011). Certainly a factor to why
O’Ree was the only black player to play in the NHL by 1971 was the fact that “Canadians made up over
95% of the NHL, and only .02% of all Canadians were black” (Morrison &
Frantz). But as the sport has evolved, more Americans and Europeans have become
a part of the league, and today “the United States, with a much higher black population than
Canada, now contributes approximately 15% of all NHL players while Canada
produces just over 60%” (ibid.).
Interestingly,
NHL demographics are not measured by ethnicity, but by nationality, therefore
the precise statistics about black players in the NHL are incredibly hard to
get by. However, in the 2010-2011 season out of thirty organizations – of which
are allowed fifty players under a professional contract – there were only 32
black players listed 2. What furthermore has hardened the task of
more black players arising is the replacing of the Atlanta Thrashers with the
Winnipeg Jets in the current 2011-2012 season. Atlanta, Georgia which by
demographics according to the 2010 census report has a total population of 5,2
million of which nearly 1,8 million are blacks also had the most black players
on the Thrashers’ roster (five) in the previous season (Black Demographics). Manitoba,
in which Winnipeg is located, on the other hand, out of a total population of 1,133,515 (according
to the census report of 2006), only had a black population of 15,655 3. It is
therefore fair to say based on the previous statistics that in the future it is
even less likely to see a changing trend in hockey ethnicity.
To
conclude, Stuart Hall states it well when he says that there seems to be an
obsession with ‘difference’ and ‘otherness’ (1997: 225). Due to such a simple
factor as the colour of a person’s skin have theories about intellectual
superiority and inferiority been fabricated. Of course it must be noted that
these fabrications are often products of dominant ideologies in the maintenance
of social order. Though still today there are very few blacks in the NHL, it is
far too simplistic to base this purely on “blackness”. As discussed, socio-economic
and socio-environmental factors have to be taken into account. It comes to no
surprise why for instance my native Finland is the current world champion in
hockey as the climate conditions allow for the sport to be played outside
during the winter. But an issue which I have yet to address is the debate
around cultural differences being factors to sports success. Explaining
cultural differences also seems too trivial, because after all cultures are
“subject to constant change and are forever remade” (Carrington & McDonald
2001: 4). In short, as the world – and especially the United States – has
become a multicultural Mecca, explaining sports due to cultural differences
seems little to add up. Claims about food diet and religion also seem too far-fetched
in my opinion, and therefore should be ignored altogether. Willie O’Ree as the
first black NHL player broke the stereotypes of blacks’ biological limitations
in hockey, which was certainly aided by the fact that he himself was raised
within a hockey-crazed community in Fredericton, in the New Brunswick province
in Canada (Harris 2003: 77). O’Ree was the exception to the rule; not only was
he the first black player, but there were very few blacks living in Canada at
the time altogether. But once O’Ree broke from the bonds of “blackness” as an
obstacle, he proved to be a role model for more black hockey enthusiasts. ‘Race’
is merely an ideology, a distortion that only can be righted when challenging
past stereotypes. The media may reinforce stereotypes but as players like
Jerome Iginla, Dustin Byfuglien, Wayne Simmonds and Kyle Okposo continue to
strive and the NHL continues its work in promoting diversity (through its
Diversity Program, founded in 1995) among other things such as the Used
Equipment Bank (for economically disadvantaged youths), “blackness” or
“whiteness” will become irrelevant.
Bibliography
Book
Sources
Cashmore, E.
(2010) Making
Sense of Sports (Fifth Edition). Taylor &
Francis.
Donald, J. &
Rattansi, A. (1992) ‘Race’, Culture and
Difference. London: Sage.
Entine, J.
(2010) Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate
Sports and Why we’re Afraid to Talk About it. Perseus Books Group.
Hall, S. (ed.)
(1997) Representation: Cultural
Representations and Signifying Practices. London: Sage.
Harris, C. (2003) Breaking the Ice: The Black Experience in Professional Hockey. Insomniac
Press.
Johal, S. (2001)
Playing their own game: A South Asian
football experience in Carrington, B. and McDonald, I.
(eds.) ‘Race’, Sport and British Society, Oxon: Routledge.
Mason, D. (2000)
Race and Ethnicity in Modern Britain (2nd
Edition). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Pankin, R.M. (ed.) (1982) Social Approaches to Sport. Fairleigh
Dickinson Univ Press.
Solomos, J.
& Back, L. (1996) Racism and Society.
London: McMillan.
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